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  • fasterthanlight�
    05-13 03:45 PM
    Thats a nice stamp, welcome to the forums!

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  • dreamgc_real
    02-01 08:48 AM
    F1 - Immigration Wiki (http://immigrationvoice.org/wiki/index.php/F1)

    Talk to your guidance counselor, they will be in a better position to provide you with advice.

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  • Blog Feeds
    09-13 05:20 PM
    Two of my favorite things about America joined up! From the Grand Canyon to Yosemite to Hawaii Volcanoes National Park to Great Smoky Mountains National Park in my part of the world, the United States has one of the world's great national park collections with spectacular beauty and millions of square miles protected from development. And obviously our longstanding commitment to maintaining a vibrant, open immigration policy (despite the best efforts of xenophones to destroy it) has made us an example to the world. From the National Park Service: The National Park Service is partnering with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/09/national-parks-across-america-to-host-naturalization-ceremonies.html)

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  • roseball
    09-26 12:21 PM
    In this case, her H4 status is still active, right? We dont have to leave the country and re-enter again. Please advise.


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  • gparr
    April 10th, 2007, 01:53 PM
    This is the list of lenses manufactured by Konica/Minolta:

    Third-party lenses, i.e., Sigma, Tamron, usually offer mounts for the major camera brands.

    B&H Photo's site is very easy to use. www.bhphotovideo.com


    State of affairs.. [Archive] - Immigration Voice

    View Full Version : State of affairs..

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  • bayarea07
    05-24 08:01 PM
    Hello All,
    I am on H1 Right now and through the same employer i filed my GC in May 2007 (I-140 approved in Oct' 2007)
    but I have got an offer from another company who is willing to transfer my H1, so wanted to know what is the best options.

    - Should i Switch on H1 and if yes, can i start working for them before the H1 Transfer process is complete
    - If I did decide to go on H1 then do i need to file some documents for my I-485 and EAD Renewal as well (meaning do i have to inform USCIS about my change in employer for GC application)



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  • Ann Ruben
    04-17 07:49 AM
    That should be fine.


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  • Blog Feeds
    07-09 12:30 PM
    In short, the E-Verify federal contractor rule lives and the no-match rule dies. The E-Verify contractor rule and the no-match rules were released in the tail end of the Bush Administration. The E-Verify rule would require most major federal contractors to use E-Verify in order to qualify for their contracts. The no-match rule covered situations where employers received letters from the Social Security Administration notifying them that employees social security numbers do not match their names. The rule outlined specific procedures for employers to follow after receiving such letters and the penalty for not following the procedures is a potential...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/07/white-house-makes-decisions-on-everify-and-nomatch-rules.html)

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  • Steve Mitchell
    November 7th, 2003, 07:36 PM
    I am eager to hear reports from the first users. I hope it is a killer camera. Nikon is a great manufacturer as is Canon. Healthy competition will only make it even nicer for the users of both systems.

    NAICS code [Archive] - Immigration Voice

    View Full Version : NAICS code


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  • coolfun
    01-28 07:49 PM

    I applied for my first EAD in May 2007 and had FP done in June 2007. I am now applying for my EAD renewal. Will there be another FP for the renewal?

    This is really urgent as I am traveling to India in April for a month and I don't want to miss the FP appointment. Please let me know if you have info on this?


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  • Blog Feeds
    10-18 10:00 AM
    I'm glad to see Immigration Voice weighing in on this one. Under some of the versions of health care reform proposals being considered by Congress, legal immigrants could be excluded for five years before they can access the Medicaid and insurance subsidies despite the fact that they pay taxes, are abiding by all of our laws and are often making critical contributions to the success of this country.

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/10/legal-immigrants-could-be-in-limbo-under-health-care-reform-proposals.html)


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  • ashwinkumara
    05-20 01:29 AM
    Regional Passport Office, Chennai (http://passport.tn.nic.in/)

    Try going in person to the regional passport office. ( If the Police Verification step is complete)

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  • winguru
    09-11 10:12 AM

    Some where in May I heard the news that end of this year USCIS is going to halt concurrent filing of I-140 and I485 and introduce an extra step called preApp of I485 which can be done only after an I40 approval. I would like to know if this is really going to happen?

    I have an approved I140 and a PD of Apr 08. I am planning to change the company now. My doubts are
    1) Suppose if USCIS changes rules and introduce an extra step for preapp of I485.
    What will happen if I switch company after 180 days of preapp of 485. can I invoke Ac21 ?
    2) will I be eligible for EAD/Parole after preapp of 485?

    Any body having any knowledge about this please share.


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  • Steve Mitchell
    December 6th, 2003, 09:16 PM
    The images from the Nikon D2H - Canon 1D and 1DS shoout have now been posted.


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  • Blog Feeds
    05-18 10:10 AM
    One of my long-time paralegals at Siskind Susser, PC is Esther Schacther Fridman. Esther, who grew up here in Memphis, is the granddaughter of Holocaust survivors. In 2005, she married Benny Fridman, an Israeli who was on a work visa in Memphis at the time. The two moved to Israel shortly thereafter and Esther continues working with the firm on writing projects. Esther and Benny are the subject of a new documentary which premiered in Memphis last night. The union of Esther and Benny is unusual - their eight grandparents were all Holocaust survivors. I am friends with two of...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/05/a-testimony-to-survival.html)


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  • Macaca
    11-11 08:15 AM
    Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

    Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

    Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

    A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

    The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

    There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

    Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

    But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

    There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

    Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
    THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95

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  • sdckkbc
    09-23 05:12 PM
    My Original PERM labor certificate was lost in mail so we filed my I-140 without the PERM LC and asked USCIS to obtain the certificate from DoL. USCIS got the labour certificate from DoL and sent the original LC to us as an RFE to get my employer's and my signature on the perm certificate. My employer by mistake signed the labor certificate where I was supposed to sign :(. We have now covered his sign with white paint and I would be signing at correct place and sending back to USCIS. Do you think any white ink or over writing on original PERM certificate would matter in adjudication of my 140?

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  • logiclife
    06-05 04:11 PM
    CPA is not something thats awarded as a graduate degree by an accredited university. So probably no.

    But make sure you are not shutting your option by talking to an immigration lawyer and finding out for sure if you are qualified.

    04-24 08:47 PM
    Hello everyone,

    I have heard that if you cancel your first LC and apply for a Second one you can still use the advertisements and all from the first one if you fall withing that "6 month" period. My question is -

    Is it 6 month from the first day that the advertisement was published or is it 6 month from the day your first LC was approved? :confused:
    Experts please shed some light on this.

    Thanks in advance

    05-25 12:14 AM

    I am here in US working for a company on L1 Visa. My Visa and I-94 expires on November 2010. The company has already applied for my H1. I am planning for a vacation to India in August. I have the following question,

    1. When I comes back to US from my vacation, in September, I dont have to go to the consulate, as my L1 is still valid. And I wont be able to go to the consulate for H1 stamping, as they wouldnt have started the stamping for this year, right?

    2. Once I am back in L1, do I have to go back to India for H1 stamping, as my L1 expires in November?

    3. Or the best method is to visit India after October and get it stamped with H1 from the consulate while coming back from India?


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